Digital China is booming
By Jayanthi Iyengar
Nothing epitomizes the challenges of providing balanced information via
the world wide web better than the subject of the Internet in China.
There are two digital Chinas - the much publicized one of political
repression and blocking "forbidden" content - but that one is dwarfed by
the booming digital China of shopping, trading, chatting and playing
games. And that's where the boom is.
Running a simple search for "Internet access China" on Google throws up
3,420,000 links in 0.20 seconds. Of the first 100 results, over 40
percent relate to information on the repressive tactics used by the
Chinese government to control information, particularly politically
"undesirable" information.
Less than 20 percent highlight the Internet boom that is sweeping China,
but the details of the boom are spelled out in four recent reports. They
are from the Chinese government's China Internet Network Information
Center (CNNIC), the Beijing-based Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
(CASS) in collaboration with the Markle Foundation, the International
Telecommunication Union (ITU) and Neilson/Netratings.
CNNIC's numbers are considered to be official data. CASS is of Chinese
origin but the US-based Markle Foundation is a non-profit organization
that studies the potential of emerging information and communication
technologies and promotes their use in health care and national
security. The ITU is globally recognized. Its Digital Access Index (DAI)
covering 178 countries goes beyond measuring Internet access using
physical numbers. Instead, it includes other parameters such as
infrastructure, education and affordability in order to determine the
digital competitiveness of a particular country as compared with other
ITU member states. Neilson/Netratings is an equally well-known known
global consulting firm, which set standards in Internet audience
measurement and analysis.
Two sides: Expansion of Internet, repression of content
These four reports, read with the glut of information proliferating the
Internet, make one thing clear. There are two sides to digital China. On
one side is a country that systematically represses content and free
expression, using law and technology to aid it in this process. On the
other side is a country that has embarked on the China Wide Web project,
which aims at creating in a short time as much nation-based, Chinese
language content as possible.
While this expansion project is underway, China also faces the challenge
of controlling unruly, unapproved media on a daily basis. Many Internet
experts, however, like Professor Jonathan Zittrain, co-founder of the
Berkman Society for Internet & Society, Harvard Law School, believe that
ultimately efforts at control will be unsuccessful.
Today, China's technologies not only block forbidden information -
primarily about political dissent, religion, Taiwan, Tibet, and other
topics - but they also give the state the power to investigate,
prosecute, and sanction those who seek and/or receive forbidden
information.
"Internet filtering tends to dampen and discourage Internet use. Of
course, things could be worse - countries like Cuba and Uzbekistan
restrict Internet access even more tightly than China. Relative to the
more restricted world (Cuba, Uzbekistan, and to a lesser extent Saudi
Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Iran), China's approach makes the
Internet more accessible and more useful than would otherwise be the
case," says Benjamin Edelman, a researcher at Harvard University.
Professor Zittrain and Edelman ran what is believed to be the first
Empirical Analysis of Internet Filtering in China. The analysis was
conducted between May and November 2002, and it found ample empirical
evidence of filtering of unapproved content by the Chinese authorities.
Edelman said his study showed that China blocked a large amount of
material cutting across substantive categories, but with special
emphasis on regional political issues (Taiwan, Tibet, etc), on religion,
on tourism to other countries, on health, and other topics. He also
found evidence of extensive mistaken blocking, seemingly accidental, of
innocuous content - reflecting a lack of precision in certain Chinese
blocking methods. "Subsequent to this study, my sense is that China's
filtering methods have become more precise, better able to block what
China doesn't like, without blocking what the country considers
permissible," he states.
His views are echoed by Professor Zittrain, who points out that if
anything, filtering has gotten increasingly subtle over time. The
Chinese experiment now revolves around "blocking out individual pages
rather than whole sites, automatically blocking web searches containing
certain search terms, or simply encouraging the use of Internet cafes
rather than individualized connections, so usage can be monitored by
passersby", he says.
Booming digital China is not about politics
While that is one China, there's another booming virtual China, which
can be ignored only at one's peril. This is a China where repression has
failed to check Internet penetration. The official CNNIC pegs the number
of Internet users at 79.5 million at the end of 2003, surpassing
previous projections of around 78 million. These figures make China the
second-largest Internet users in the world, next only to the United
States with about 165.75 million, and well ahead of Japan's 56 million,
going by the Central Intelligence Agency's (CIA) World Factbook for
these countries.
The growth in numbers has caused jubilation within China but has raised
some eyebrows elsewhere. This is because the Chinese government's
figures represent an unprecedented half-yearly jump in number, up from
58 million in 2002 to 68 million (17 percent growth) in mid-2003 and
79.5 million (17 percent growth) at the end of the year. This data is
also in sharp contrast to earlier projections made by the Chinese
themselves. For instance, Hu Qiheng, chair of the Internet Society of
China pegged the number of Chinese netizens at 78 million for 2003. She
was speaking at the Second Internet Conference of China in December,
just a fortnight prior to the release of the official figures. By her
estimates, there would be 500,000 websites and 30 million online
computers in China by the end of the year. Against this, the
government's CNNIC has placed increased access to Internet websites at
595,550 (60 percent growth) and computers linked to the Internet at
30.89 million, representing a 48 percent growth during 2003.
Such anomalies in numbers are not abnormal when it comes to Chinese
data. The Chinese government's figures generally tend to be questioned,
but CNNIC's figures have been questioned in particular in 2001, when
Iamasia, an independent research firm, released figures for Internet
users. Steve Yap, communications director for Iamasia, pegged the number
of China's Internet users at 15.2 million at a time when CNNIC was
claiming 20 million. That was in the past, but even today there is a
question about what defines an Internet user - the Chinese government
defines a user as one who uses the Internet for at least an hour per week.
Net penetration in China, of course, is way behind the US and the global
averages in percentage terms, with only about 5.6 percent of the Chinese
population of 1.27 billion having Internet access, as against 10.7
percent globally and about 63.2 percent in the US.
Average Internet user: educated, young, male
However, what is also undeniable is that the Chinese are investing
heavily in infrastructure.The average Internet user is an educated,
young, single male 15 years to 35 year of age. He is more interested in
chatting and playing games on the Internet than trading, checking e-mail
or surfing the net for forbidden content. An average Chinese Internet
user spends 11.3 hours a week playing games, making China a mega-market
for electronic games. According to China's General Administration of
Press and Publication (GAPPPRC), it approved 37 new games in 2003.
Also, though China's netizens are comparatively uneducated, the number
of highly educated (post-graduate) Internet users is growing. Further,
Internet users seem to be concentrated in industries and fields such as
manufacturing, education and public management, social organizations and
the IT industry, which is exciting business forecasters like
Neilson/Netratings and others.
Email - through which forbidden information could be transmitted and
exchanged - is not an obsession for most Internet users in China, though
simple message service (SMS) and web-based messaging is popular. "About
20 percent of Internet users do not have e-mail accounts. For those who
are using e-mail, only 20 percent of them check their accounts every
day. Yet many Internet users prefer [companies] ICQ or OICQ," says
Professor Guo Liang, who led the study by the Chinese Academy of Social
Sciences (CASS).
The CASS report has a specific segment on public perception of the
Internet as a tool for political self-expression. Professor Guo says
that in his opinion, Internet penetration would touch 150 million by
2005 - though the Chinese government would like this figure to be 15
percent of the population or about 190 million users. However, even
assuming all of those who use the Internet use it to surf for unapproved
content, it would still be less than 15 percent of the Chinese
population. These figures, Guo says, contradict the impression that most
Chinese use the Internet for political self-expression or that the
Chinese government represses its citizens extensively. However, he is
among the first to concede, "While the Internet is still relatively new
to China, it is already changing Chinese cultural, social and political
institutions."
The political dimensions of the report apart, the CASS findings are
highly regarded, as there are few other reports of comparable depth and
detail mapping China's Internet potential and penetration. Guo's 2003
report is the second in the academy's series on Internet use in China.
The first was released in 2001 and studied Internet use in five big
cities. The second, currently cited study, completed in 2003 after two
years' work, covered 12 cities and five small towns.
The study, called "Surveying Internet Usage and Impact in Twelve Chinese
Cities", this study is based on door-to-door interviews with 2,457
Internet users and 1,484 non-Internet users. It makes the point that
rural China offers as much potential for Internet growth, as does urban
China.
"The Internet has the potential to contribute significantly to the
future of the people of China. Professor Guo's findings show that in
China, the Internet has the ability to expand the flow of information
and spur economic growth," said Zoe Baird, president of the Markle
Foundation. Guo said, "With the arrival of the Internet, the Chinese
people have the opportunity to access information, communicate and
conduct economic transactions in a new way."
Lessons from SARS - shop at home
The year 2003 was monumental for digital China in many other ways. The
severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) epidemic opened China's eyes to
the potential of the Internet as a tool for furthering commerce. Western
observers say that SARS taught Beijing how difficult it was to control
the spread of information in the Internet age and that it could be
waging a losing battle if its aim was merely to control information.
China, however, drew a different and innovative lesson from the same
experience. The conclusions should be compulsory reading about why
digital China cannot be dismissed as being repressive and controlled.
With so many people afraid to venture out because of SARS, they shopped
at home, sent messages from home and played Internet games at home.
Online shopping, short message services and online games were three
rapid growing application of the Internet in 2003, says CNNIC. It points
out that because of SARS, online shopping and message service found a
second development opportunity in 2003. Among those surveyed, only 8
percent never visited a shopping website, while 40 percent of those who
visited shopping websites made online purchases. They bought books,
audiovisual material and products; communication equipment was the
principle product of on-line shopping.
During the year, website message service users sent out 10.9 messages a
week, which the Chinese consider to be a large market of which everyone
wants a share. Almost all the major websites and many
specialized-service websites opened messaging services, which has become
one of the important and steady income sources in the country. And the
stock prices of [messaging companies] Sina, Sohu and Netease soared on
NASDAQ. "Short message service played a vital role in the process," said
the People's Daily.
Professor Guo provides a more balanced and telling interpretation of the
situation, which cannot be ignored by serious China watchers. "I believe
last year was a milestone [in the sense] that several cases happened,
including Sun Zhigang, SARS, Liu Yong and BMW," he said. " It is obvious
that more and more people are trying to use the Internet to express
their opinion and the online discussion did change the government
thinking and policy," he said.
The details of Sun Zhigang's death in police custody in Guangzhou was
picked up by the conventional media from the web. The arrest,
prosecution and death sentence of crime lord Liu Yong symbolized the
Chinese government's determination to crack down on corruption. The
provincial courts had given him a two-year reprieve from a death
sentence, but it was rejected by the Chinese Supreme Court in December
2003 and Liu was executed soon afterward, sending home the message that
the government means business. The word was spread on the web.
Concerning BMW, the Chinese government was forced to listen to angry
Internet users who accused the courts of letting off lightly the female
driver of a BMW car who ran into a peasant in a tractor in the city of
Harbin. The woman was heard threatening the peasant after she had a
minor accident in which her silver BMW was scratched. Word spread on the
web - and so did the outrage.
English no longer crucial in technology
The International Telecommunications Union study makes an equally
important point in China's favor. It suggests that English is no longer
a decisive factor in quick technology adoption, especially as more
content is made available in other languages. "Until now, limited
infrastructure has often been regarded as the main barrier to bridging
the Digital Divide," says Michael Minges of the Market, Economics and
Finance Unit at ITU. "Our research, however, suggests that affordability
and education are equally important factors." Half of the Internet users
in China, for instance, are university educated. Surprising though it
may seem, ITU ranks China (0.79) below Sweden (0.83), but above Canada
(0.78), the US (0.78), and Britain (0.77) in its latest Digital Access
Index.
These are all findings that make it clear that no one keeps down the
growth of the Internet in China, including the Chinese government.
However, what it can do is guide the direction of Internet's growth by
using the Internet as a vehicle for growth. An indication of such
thinking comes from the statements made by high-ranking Chinese officials.
Xi Guohua, vice-minister of information industry, announced at theSecond
Internet Conference of China in December that his ministry would
strengthen its macro planning, guide the Internet industry and push
forward the upgrading of the Internet with a focus on the market.
Xu Guanhua, minister of science and technology, echoed Guohua, when he
pointed out that, research and development apart, "China will vigorously
push forward on the popularization and application of Internet,
development of electronic commerce transaction, electronic government
administration and other information services, so as to promote
industrialization with informationalization."
The most important issue today is that the Chinese government no longer
fears the world wide web, the civil societies or the propaganda tactics
of the free world, particularly the US, which makes every effort to
beam-in content aimed at converting and democratizing the Chinese
citizenry. The Chinese have refined Internet filtering systems to such
an extent that such content is well-camouflaged from its average
netizen. The Beijing government now checks content at the gateway level
by controlling its Internet service providers (ISPs) - just three in
number (ChinaLink Networks, Netaway, and VPM Internet Services). It lays
down guidelines for any of the telecom service providers who wish to do
business in China. Amnesty International and other human rights bodies
notwithstanding, none of these corporations dare to contest the Chinese
government's policies for fear of losing a foothold into a consumer
market which is waiting to explode.
Jayanthi Iyengar is a senior business journalist from India who writes
on a range of subjects for several publications in Asia, Britain and the
United States. She may be contacted at jayanthiiyengar1@hotmail.com.
(Copyright 2004 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved. Please
contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication
policies.)
|